Public policy support for agroecology in Latin America: Lessons and perspectives

Latin American agroecology proposes a transformation of conventional agri-food systems. It is driven by social movements that have succeeded in forming coalitions that have promoted its integration into public policies. These policies involve a range of instruments that are often embedded in programs that also support organic agriculture and sustainable agriculture. However, while these two types of agriculture propose more ecological practices, they do not question the basis of the conventional agri-food system. The implementation of instruments to support agroecology therefore depends on the power relations established within each country. This paper analyses these policies and their infl uence on the development of agroecology in eight countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, El Salvador, Mexico, and Nicaragua. These policies remain fragile, while support for large-scale conventional agriculture is still predominant. Their challenge is therefore to convince more broadly farmers, consumers and policymakers about the importance of issues such as public health and food security.


Introduction
Latin America and the Caribbean are regions that are especially favourable to the emergence and development of alternative food and production models aimed at addressing environmental, social, economic and public health issues. Indeed, this region is especially threatened by the contradictions and excesses of conventional agriculture originating from the Green Revolution and implemented in the form of agroindustrial production models that often have little respect for the environment in a framework that is much less regulated than in Europe and North America. This conventional agriculture, intensive in its use of chemical inputs and water, produces pesticide-laden food that is harmful for public health [1][2][3]. Moreover, such systems are often set up on land that was forcibly grabbed from indigenous and rural people [4,5]. In a scenario of such exploitation, alternative farming and agri-food models have been proposed by producers, researchers and social movements, and sometimes encouraged by public authorities in some countries.
Thus, with various actors in several countries calling for an agroecological transition [6,7], the promotion and support this transition obtains from public policies is an important issue.

Concepts used and their integration into policies
The agroecological movement in Latin America proposes a radical transformation of agricultural and food systems to address environmental and social challenges [8]. It opposes a conventional and primarily export-oriented model based on Green Revolution principles [9]. Agroecology was popularized largely due to the work of researchers such as Miguel Altieri and Stephen Gliessman, and was championed by coalitions of social organizations which enabled it to be included in public policy. The instruments in these policies are varied and often part of programmes that also support organic agriculture and sustainable agriculture.

Main conceptualizations of an environment-friendly agriculture
Various actors and public policies in Latin America and the Caribbean are pushing for a transition to more environmentfriendly agriculture by promoting three main agricultural models: organic agriculture, agroecology, and sustainable agriculture. These models, which coexist in different countries of this region, emerged at different times ( Figure 1).

Organic agriculture
Organic agriculture is the oldest of these models as it dates back to the 1920s [11]. The organic agriculture (agricultura orgánica in Spanish and agriculture biologique in French) movement aims at establishing production systems that conserve the soil and ecosystems, preserve the health of people, and are based on ecological processes, maintenance of biodiversity, and the specifi city of local conditions [12].
This agricultural model is today defi ned by national and international standards that are associated with certifi cation processes. In Latin America, organic agriculture products are generally meant for the export market. Standards regulating organic agriculture prohibit the use of non-organic inputs (chemical fertilizers, synthetic phytosanitary products and genetically modifi ed organisms). However, since it often allows the use of certifi ed organic inputs, this production model is often associated with the idea of a substitution of chemical inputs by non-chemical ones, without calling into question the production model itself or globalized trade.

Agroecology
Latin American agroecology (agroecología) is a more recent proposition, dating back to the 1970s, and is based on the idea that environmental challenges will have to be addressed for any meaningful transformation of the agri-food system. While, like organic agriculture, agroecology frowns on the use of non-organic inputs and espouses the importance of production systems based on principles that conserve ecosystems, it advocates, in addition, a greater autonomy for producers with respect to upstream and downstream markets and emphasizes the principle of recycling within cultivated ecosystems [13,14]. It thus proposes a profound modifi cation of the agri-food system and of the relationship between farmers and consumers by advocating the establishment of short circuits (direct sales, local markets), and food security and sovereignty at the territorial scale. Thus, in addition to specifying aspects pertaining to the technical dimension of farming, agroecology proposes an integral vision that combines social, environmental, economic and cultural characteristics, defi ning a new model of sustainable rural development [15]. It is thus opposed to the mainly export-oriented business model based on principles of the Green Revolution [9].
The institutionalization of the concept of agroecology in Latin America did not translate into the emergence of specifi c standards in response to market demands. Its integration into the policies of the region's countries took three forms. In the emblematic case of Cuba, agroecology was initially a response to the crisis of conventional agriculture resulting from the US embargo and later from the dissolution of the Soviet Union, before it become a proactive system driven by a group of researchers and academics, as well as by rural movements and urban agriculture. While the term 'agroecology' does not appear explicitly in existing policies, the underlying principles of Latin American agroecology are incorporated into the country's policies on food security and sovereignty, nutrition and health, and the agroecology concepts underlie a set of public policies, especially public programmes (programmes for organic pest control, urban and peri-urban agriculture, experimentation and technical assistance) [16]. In

Analysis of the three concepts
While these three concepts, all of which propose a transition to a more environment-friendly agriculture, are present in all the Latin American and the Caribbean countries studied, albeit with different degrees of integration and institutionalization, it should be emphasized that they differ fundamentally in the way they incorporate environmental issues within production systems (modalities of 'greening') and in the types of farmers, food systems and market insertions they support (Table 1). any one of these three concepts, and which contribute to the agroecological transition to the extent they promote the adoption of 'agroecological practices', without necessarily accepting all the dimensions of the agroecological concept in Latin America.

Processes for formulating policies that favour agroecology
Three main complementary processes, often opposing and/ or in confl ict, made it possible to set agendas and formulate policies favourable for agroecology.

Mobilization of social movements
The main process that enabled the setting of agendas In Nicaragua, the promulgation of the 2011 law to promote agroecological and organic agriculture was the outcome of ten years of struggle by a broad coalition of social movements and activist unions advocating for agroecology, organic agriculture and the defence of rural people, in association with academics and civil servants, and with the support of international cooperation entities [18].
In Chile, an agroecology committee coordinated by the Agrarian Development Institute was created in response to the demands of agroecology movements formed by farmers' organizations [19].
In El Salvador, the policy for the promotion of agroecology presented to the government in 2017 resulted from the mobilization of a coalition of NGOs and other groups advocating for agroecology, in association with the Rural Dialogue Group and the National Committee for Family Farming [20].

Response to a geopolitical, economic or environmental crisis
The second process that facilitated the emergence of policies favourable to the agroecological transition corresponds to the search for ways to respond to geopolitical, economic or environmental crises. Indeed, some countries (Cuba, Argentina, Nicaragua) initiated an agroecological transition as a result of crises that affected conventional agriculture. In Cuba, agroecology practices constitute a response to the geopolitical crisis of 1993.
In Argentina, the fi nancial crisis of the late 1980s, which was characterized by hyperinfl ation, encouraged the adoption of policies to support poor people and those living in rural, peri-urban and urban areas, as also the implementation of the Prohuerta programme. Initiated in 1990, this programme, whose aim was to disseminate, through a participatory approach, the production of vegetables for self-consumption by facilitating access to seeds, water and markets (farmers' markets) for urban and peri-urban producers, was extended to rural areas following the 2000-2001 fi nancial crisis [21].
Agroecology was adopted in Nicaragua, much like in Cuba, not only as a response to the shortage of chemical inputs during the period of confl ict in the 1980s, but also as an alternative to the domination of the agro-industrial capitalist model between [1960][1961][1962][1963][1964][1965][1966][1967][1968][1969][1970]. Agroecology was also promoted in response to acute environmental crises that affected the cotton agri-export production model, as well as to climate-related crises, such as the one caused by Hurricane Mitch in 1998 that completely cut off many regions of the country, preventing a large number of farmers from obtaining chemical inputs [18]. These policies can also support organic agriculture or promote agroecological practices.
This is the case in Chile, with their integration into the technical assistance and investment subsidy programmes of the Agricultural Development Institute, and with the incorporation of an alternative certifi cation system into the organic agriculture law. This alternative certifi cation system allows small family farmers to market their organic products in various types of outlets [19].
In  Finally, in addition to its law for the promotion of organic agriculture, Costa Rica has implemented agri-environmental measures as part of the programme to recognize environmental benefi ts.

Diversity of policies and instruments for promoting agroecology
The second type of confi guration is found in countries which already have regulations and instruments to promote organic production. They also promote agroecology with policies for food security and support for family farming (e.g. Prohuerta programme in Argentina, the case of El Salvador).
The third type of confi guration corresponds to countries that have specifi c policies promoting both agroecology and organic agriculture: Brazil with its National Policy for Agroecology and Organic Production (2012) and Nicaragua with its law for the promotion of agroecology and organic agriculture (2011).
Finally, some countries support agroecology without a dedicated policy, but with policies or programmes that include support for rural agriculture or family farming (Argentina in 2001) or peasant or urban agriculture (Cuba in 1993).

Diversity of instruments for agroecology
Instruments conducive to the adoption of agroecology were introduced in all the countries studied through specifi c policies and/or policies for supporting family farming, urban or peri-urban agriculture, food security, natural resource management, agri-environmental issues or climate change response strategies. Four major types of instruments are currently found in Latin America and the Caribbean.
The fi rst are instruments to manage innovations in agroecology and knowledge surrounding it. The aim of such cognitive instruments is to build the capacity of farmers to manage their farms and territories using agroecological principles. These instruments are present in most of the countries studied, along with networks for knowledge dissemination -such as 'farmer-to-farmer' (campesino a campesino) networks in Nicaragua -that peasants can use to try out new techniques together and to exchange and preserve them. In Chile, programmes of the Institute of Agricultural Development not only have the goal of strengthening these exchange networks but also to impart value to products from peasant production systems through the 'Farmer's Hand' (Manos Campesinas) label [19]. In Mexico, programmes such as the Sustainable Modernization of Traditional Agriculture (Masagro) have been launched and implemented since 2010 [23].
The second type of instruments are those meant to facilitate access to land and water. They are present in varying degrees of intensity in the different countries of the region and have taken the form of land redistribution and legalization programmes. Even though they no longer exist in most countries, the ongoing Brazilian and Cuban programmes are noteworthy.
The third type of instruments concern the regulation and promotion of products and their market insertion. Present in most of the countries, they help promote organic agriculture and agroecology. They consist of two sub-types: fi rst, regulations and standards, and, second, programmes for the marketing of organic and agroecological products.

Review and perspective of current policies and instruments
Although the last decade has seen the emergence of policies and instruments that favour agroecology, they remain fragile and few in number in the context of mainstream thinking that supports large-scale conventional agricultural practices.
Their implementation depends to a large extent on the balance of power existing, in each country, between the proponents of a conventional model and those of alternative forms of agriculture.

Progress and limitations
An analysis of the evolution of alternative forms of farming and policies that favour their extension shows some good progress. To begin with, there has been a marked and progressive consolidation over the last decade of a network of farmer groups, support organizations (NGOs, trade unions), academicians and public offi cials who are sensitive to environmental dynamics. Together they have been able to incorporate agri-environmental transition instruments into agricultural policy agendas and in specifi c or general policies. In fact, there is a growing recognition by a section of public administration of actors of agroecology and organic agriculture, resulting in the opening up of spaces for institutionalized participation, consultation and negotiation (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Nicaragua). In addition, we note the incorporation of the principles of agroecology in policies concerning food sovereignty, food security and support for family farming. Additionally, the importance of agroecology is included in instruments helping face new challenges, such as those arising from climate change.
Nevertheless, the development of agroecology faces several limitations and diffi culties. In most of the Latin American and Caribbean countries studied, agricultural policies are primarily oriented towards promoting agri-businesses and exports and are aligned with the interests of big landowners and companies selling agricultural inputs. Furthermore, they fi nd support from offi cials of public agricultural departments who embrace Green Revolution paradigms. There is a vast power asymmetry between the movements and associations in favour of agroecology (and/or organic agriculture) and those favouring conventional agriculture, which often becomes an obstacle in the taking of environmental issues into consideration. Moreover, this imbalance is exacerbated in most of the Latin American and the Caribbean countries studied because there is little coordination between movements advocating agroecology and those advocating organic agriculture. Tensions over the differing orientations of these movements hinder their ability to maintain or apply the policies they were able to shape through their joint struggles. Finally, the agroecology sector remains relatively unknown due to a lacunae of information and statistics on its farmers and markets.
In addition, although instruments in favour of agroecology exist in all the countries of the region (Table 2), the responsibility their implementation is divided between various public actors, leading to coordination issues. Moreover, there are still gaps in the research on agroecological practices or extension tools adapted to their characteristics (taking of local agroecological conditions into account, adaptability of innovations to the socio-economic contexts of farmers, labour requirements, etc.). A paradigm shift in the training of agricultural technicians and managers of services in agricultural administrations (more or less developed depending on the country) is necessary to remove this obstacle to the development of such research and support systems for producers. sector [24]. The joint mobilization of these different concepts is an asset for putting agroecology on the policy agenda [25], promoted in Latin America as an alternative solution to the many problems of intensive conventional agriculture.

Lessons and perspectives
In addition, the idea of agroecology has become a driving force for renewing or changing family farming, urban agriculture and food security policies [26,27]. However, these amalgamations between concepts also constitute a limitation for the institutionalization of the concept of agroecology in all its dimensions. Indeed, while they make it possible to build alliances conducive to the emergence of programs that take advantage of the opportunity of policy windows [25], the differences in beliefs that underlie their respective causal coalitions [28] tend to reappear later, leading to demobilization that limits the effective implementation of policies dedicated to agroecology [17] or organic agriculture (Bonin et al, 2017).
Secondly, the processes of institutionalization of agroecology have been based mainly on demands and proposals from social movements often associated with those of family farming and/or organic agriculture, which have been echoed by progressive governments. These processes have been facilitated by events (climate, socio-economic, geopolitical) that highlighted the limitations of conventional agricultural models. Our analyses confi rm that the strength of alliances in favor of agroecology has been to rely on actors from family agriculture and the movements for access to resources [29], contributing to a "politicization" of agroecology [30]. However, this politicization and assimilation of agroecology as a social movement [28,31] is also a weakness when governments and ruling parties change, as has been observed in family farming policies in Brazil [32,33] and Argentina [34]. With the enthusiasm for agroecology promoted by international organizations such as the FAO [35], more and more governments are positioning themselves and mobilizing in its favor [36]. This process can therefore contribute to the strengthening of local initiatives through increased dissemination efforts through policy transfer processes, such as territorial development and family agriculture policies in the region. In addition, the increasing involvement of this international sphere can change the balance of power at the country level between social movements and governments. But this process is also accompanied by a recovery and differential interpretation of the concept of agroecology [36], which can be a source of new tensions between social movements and institutions [37].  [38]. While a momentum is increasing in international arena and international organisation of cooperation worldwide to promote agroecology as a solution for the food system challenges. It has become also a territory of dispute among international cooperation and social movement [36,37]. Some recent changes in politics has also jeopardize the agroecology policy advances in some Latina American countries, such as the dismantlement of rural and environmental policies in Brazil [39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46]. involving governments and social movements that support alternative agricultural models which are more environmentfriendly (sustainable agriculture, organic agriculture) and which take societal issues better into account (agroecology in Latin America). These mechanisms can lead to the creation of coalitions of actors that are essential for infl uencing policymaking in favour of agroecology. They call for agricultural extension and advisory systems that leverage local knowledge and territories. Finally, they highlight the importance of marketing and supply systems that impart value to their products, through certifi cation by social monitoring, support for short circuits, and public procurement of agroecological products at differentiated and guaranteed prices.